MEMBER of Parliament (MP) for Matala Constituency under the Revolution for Prosperity (RFP) banner, Tŝeliso Moroke (TM), has asserted that Lesotho’s political system is broken and is consequently holding back the country’s progress.
According to Dr Moroke, the current political system, which has persisted for years, empowers already powerful individuals instead of ordinary Basotho, who continue to wait endlessly for change.
To remedy the situation, he says leaders must move beyond making empty promises and, instead, focus on implementing pledges while strengthening institutions rather than individuals.
A fortnight ago, the National Assembly engaged in an intensive debate on the establishment of a Committee on Government Assurances. The motion, filed by Basotho Action Party (BAP) leader Professor Nqosa Mahao, sought to establish a Sessional Select Committee under Standing Order No. 97 to scrutinise promises made by ministers on the floor of the House and track their implementation.
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Dr Moroke sat down with Lesotho Times (LT) Senior Reporter Mohloai Mpesi to discuss issues of politics and governance.
Below are the excerpts:
LT: Often new regimes resolve to start afresh with new policies when they assume governance. How is this affecting continuity of socio-economic governance and development in the country?
TM: Each time a new regime comes, it declares, “we are starting afresh”. But in doing so, we erase progress, waste resources and deny citizens the benefits of continuity. True development does not unfold in five-year political cycles; it requires a national vision (e seng toro ea moetapele fela) that transcends ruling parties. Without continuity, Lesotho risks remaining stuck with old problems, simply dressed in new political jackets.
International investors and development partners look for stability and predictability. Constantly shifting priorities and ad hoc policy changes discourage long-term investment, which directly affects job creation, industrial growth, and social development.
Yes, in a developing country every sector matters. Road construction, urban improvements, and other projects all matter, but there must be balance. We cannot lose sight of the fundamentals.
For example, ensuring a healthy population with access to quality services, educating our youth to build a capable workforce, providing adequate social welfare to reduce social ills, and ensuring accountability and rule of law should never be sidelined. Development is not about choosing one over the other, but about striking the right balance.
That is why, instead of narrow political ambitions, Lesotho needs continuity of priorities anchored in a shared national development vision. Every administration should build on what came before, not start afresh. Only then can we secure lasting socio-economic progress.
LT: Do we actually have broken political systems in the country so much that we have to find a remedy for the country to progress?
TM: Excellent question. It cuts to the heart of Lesotho’s political discourse. We must ask ourselves with honesty: Do we have a broken political system? Of course, yes. Though I cannot determine the full extent, our system is cracked, fragile, and vulnerable to abuse. Every time we refuse to fix those cracks, we gamble with the stability and progress of this nation.
We live in a country where governments collapse not because of the people’s will, but because of political deals struck in the dark corridors of power. Floor-crossing, coalition bargaining, and survival politics matter more than service delivery.
The system gives more power to personalities than institutions. It allows leaders to play political chess while the ordinary Mosotho waits endlessly for jobs, water, electricity, and healthcare. Is this progress?
This is the recycling of power. This is instability dressed as democracy.
The remedy is not another speech or empty slogan. It begins with introspection — even at the level of ordinary citizens. To what extent do we enable this broken system to persist? Are we honest when confronted by its failures, or do we turn a blind eye when its dysfunction benefits us?
Grappling with these questions could point us toward real solutions: bold constitutional reforms and stronger institutions that rise above individuals. Only then can we pursue a national development vision that endures, one that no regime can dismantle upon taking power.
LT: What kind of leadership does the country need to advance achieve socio-economic development?
TM: Lesotho is not short of politicians — it is short of leaders. What we have are careerists who thrive on party lines, caucuses, and empty rhetoric, while the nation sinks deeper into unemployment, poverty, and frustration. They speak of reforms while clinging to the very inefficiencies that rob Basotho of a future. They shout about development while treating public office like a private inheritance.
To advance socio-economic development, Lesotho needs leadership that is principled, visionary, and brutally honest with itself. Leadership that understands governance is not about survival politics but about delivering results. Leadership that sincerely seeks to create jobs, strengthen institutions, and restore the dignity of the country and its people.
The bitter truth is that this country does not move because its leaders refuse to move it forward. Until we bury the culture of weak, self-serving leadership, Lesotho will remain a textbook example of wasted potential — a land rich in promise yet crippled by the absence of accountability and the promotion of narrow interests.
LT: In your Facebook political commentary column “How the Country Moves”, you argued that party-line voting has become the greatest enemy of the development discourse in Lesotho. How is this practice dangerous to good governance and progress?
TM: Party-line voting has emerged as a serious barrier to good governance and development in Lesotho. In principle, Parliament should be a forum where ideas are tested on their merit and decisions are made in the best interest of the nation. In practice, however, debates and decisions are too often reduced to questions of political loyalty.
Proposals that could advance the country are rejected simply because they originate from the opposition, while weak policies are approved because members are compelled to toe the party line.
This undermines accountability, discourages independent judgment, and erodes the quality of policy discourse. It shifts the focus from long-term national priorities to short-term partisan gains, with citizens ultimately paying the price.
For Lesotho to move forward, MPs must rise above rigid party lines and embrace a culture of deliberation and conscience-driven decision-making. Only then can Parliament serve as a true engine of progress rather than a theatre of political conformity.
LT: You are a legislator for the ruling RFP yet you are very candid in your political commentary. Don’t you fear repercussions from your own party, seeing that some RFP MPs have previously been targeted for criticising their own party?
TM: Fear is not the issue. My loyalty is not to any government or political party, but to Lesotho and its people. Criticism of leadership should never be mistaken for hostility; it is a form of accountability. When leaders fail to deliver on promises, become complacent, or place party interests above national progress, it is the duty of engaged citizens and commentators to raise these concerns.
True leadership should welcome scrutiny, because robust debate and constructive criticism strengthen governance. If honest observations create discomfort, that discomfort should serve as an opportunity for reflection, not be seen as a threat.
My role is not to flatter those in authority, but to provoke thought, demand results, and highlight barriers holding back our development. At the heart of all commentary must be the people’s interest — not political sensitivities, and not the preservation of power.
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LT: Since the current regime took office in 2022, what can you say about its achievements, challenges and weaknesses?
TM: When the Matekane-led RFP government came into power in 2022, it carried the weight of expectation. Basotho wanted not just a change of faces, but a change of fortunes.
In the short run, there have been commendable gains. Urban roads have improved, streetlights stay on, and youth initiatives such as the Entrepreneurship Hub have raised hopes of a new entrepreneurial spirit. Fiscal stability has returned, with the state reporting surpluses instead of deficits, while mega-projects like the Lesotho Highlands Water Project II have injected life into the economy. On the diplomatic front, Lesotho has re-emerged on the continental stage with a louder voice.
Yet, contradictions persist. Growth remains tied to narrow and unsustainable pillars: SACU transfers, royalties, and construction projects. Strip these away, and the economy falters. Unemployment and poverty remain stubbornly high, while promised reforms in the economy, governance, public service, and security sector are still stuck in legislative inertia.
Meanwhile, public trust is being tested. Concerns about corruption, tender irregularities, and centralisation of power persist, while anti-corruption institutions remain too weak to inspire confidence. Even well-intentioned initiatives in youth employment and agriculture have produced mixed results, reinforcing the sense that ambition often outpaces delivery.
So, how does the country move under this regime? It strides forward with ambition but drags behind with the same shackles of weak governance, limited diversification, and politics that still place survival above transformation. Progress is there — but it is fragile. The real test lies in whether this government can move beyond rhetoric and financial balancing, to building a future that delivers real and lasting improvements in the daily lives of Basotho.
